著名,总统,就职演说
篇一：美国历届总统就职演讲(中英文对照)
第44任总统奥巴马发表就职演说
My fellow citizens:
我的同胞们：
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
今天我站在这里，看到眼前面临的重大任务，深感卑微。我感谢你们对我的信任，也知道先辈们为了这个国家所作的牺牲。我要感谢布什总统为国家做出的贡献，以及感谢他在两届政府过渡期间给与的慷慨协作。
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.
迄今为止，已经有44个美国总统宣誓就职。总统的宣誓有时面对的是国家的和平繁荣，但通常面临的是乌云密布的紧张形势。在紧张的形势中，支
持美国前进的不仅仅是领导人的能力和远见，也在于美国人民对国家先驱者理想的信仰，以及对美国立国文件的忠诚。So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
前辈们如此，我们这一代美国人也要如此。
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our healthcare is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
现在我们都深知，我们身处危机之中。我们的国家在战斗，对手是影响深远的暴力和憎恨；国家的经济也受到严重的削弱，原因虽有一些人的贪婪和不负责任，但更为重要的是我们作为一个整体在一些重大问题上决策失误，同时也未能做好应对新时代的准备。我们的人民正在失去家园，失去工作，很多企业倒闭。社会的医疗过于昂贵、学校教育让许多人失望，而且每天都会有新的证据显示，我们利用能源的方式助长了我们的敌对势力，同时也威胁着我们的星球。
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
统计数据的指标传达着危机的消息。危机难以测量，但更难以测量的是其对美国人国家自信的侵蚀--现在一种认为美国衰落不可避免，我们的下一代必须低调的言论正在吞噬着人们的自信。
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America - they will be met.
今天我要说，我们的确面临着很多严峻的挑战，而且在短期内不大可能轻易解决。但是我们要相信，我们一定会度过难关。
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
今天，我们在这里齐聚一堂，因为我们战胜恐惧选择了希望，摒弃了冲突和矛盾而选择了团结。
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
今天，我们宣布要为无谓的摩擦、不实的承诺和指责画上句号，我们要打破牵制美国政治发展的若干陈旧教条。
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
美国仍是一个年轻的国家，借用《圣经》的话说，放弃幼稚的时代已经到来了。重拾坚韧精神的时代已经到来，我们要为历史作出更好的选择，我们要秉承历史赋予的宝贵权利，秉承那种代代相传的高贵理念：上帝赋予我们每个人以平等和自由，以及每个人尽全力去追求幸福的机会。
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted - for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things - some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labour, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
在重申我们国家伟大之处的同时，我们深知伟大从来不是上天赐予的，伟大需要努力赢得。（我们的民族一路走来），这旅途之中从未有过捷径或者妥协，这旅途也不适合胆怯之人、或者爱安逸胜过爱工作之人、或者单单追求名利之人。这条路是勇于承担风险者之路，是实干家、创造者之路。这其中有一些人名留青史，但是更多的人却在默默无闻地工作着。正是这些人带领我们走过了漫长崎岖的旅行，带领我们走向富强和自由。
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the west; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
为了我们，先辈们带着微薄的细软，横渡大洋，寻找新生活；为了我们，先辈们忍辱负重，用血汗浇铸工厂；为了我们，先辈们在荒芜的西部大地辛勤耕作，定居他乡；为了我们，先辈们奔赴（独立战争中的）康科德城和葛底斯堡、（二战中的）诺曼底、（越战中的）Khe Sahn，他们征战、死去。
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
一次又一次，我们的先辈们战斗着、牺牲着、操劳着，只为了我们可以生活得更好。在他们看来，美国的
强盛与伟大超越了个人雄心，也超越了个人的出身、贫富和派别差异。
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions - that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
今天我们继续先辈们的旅途。美国依然是地球上最富裕、最强大的国家。同危机初露端倪之时相比，美国人民的生产力依然旺盛；与上周、上个月或者去年相比，我们的头脑依然富于创造力，我们的商品和服务依然很有市场，我们的实力不曾削弱。但是，可以肯定的是，轻歌曼舞的时代、保护狭隘利益的时代以及对艰难决定犹豫不决的时代已经过去了。从今天开始，我们必须跌倒后爬起来，拍拍身上的泥土，重新开始工作，重塑美国。
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act - not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise healthcare's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.
我目之所及，都有工作有待完成。国家的经济情况要求我们采取大胆且快速的行动，我们的确是要行动，不仅是要创造就业，更要为（下一轮经济）增长打下新的基础。我们将造桥铺路，为企业铺设电网和数字线路，将我们联系在一起。我们将回归科学，运用科技的奇迹提高医疗质量，降低医疗费用。我们将利用风能、太阳能和土壤驱动车辆，为工厂提供能源。我们将改革中小学以及大专院校，以适应新时代的要求。这一切，我们都能做到，而且我们都将会做到。
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions - who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
现在，有一些人开始质疑我们的野心是不是太大了，他们认为我们的体制承载不了太多的宏伟计划。他们是健忘了。他们已经忘了这个国家已经取得的成就；他们已经忘了当创造力与共同目标以及必要的勇气结合起来时，自由的美国人民所能发挥的能量。
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them - that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works - whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account - to spend wisely, reform bad habits and do our business in the light of day - because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
这些怀疑论者的错误在于，他们没有意识到政治现实已经发生了变化，长期以来耗掉我们太多精力的陈腐政治论争已经不再适用。今天，我们的问题不在于政府的大小，而在于政府能否起作用，政府能否帮助家庭找到薪水合适的工作、给他们可以负担得起的医疗保障并让他们体面地退休。哪个方案能给与肯定的答
案，我们就推进哪个方案。哪个方案的答案是否定的，我们就选择终止。而掌管纳税人税金的人应当承担起责任，合理支出，摒弃陋习，磊落做事，这样才能在政府和人民之间重建至关重要的相互信任。
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control - and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favours only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach f; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart - not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
我们面临的问题也不是市场好坏的问题。市场创造财富、拓展自由的能力无可匹敌，但是这场危机提醒我们，如果没有监管，市场很可能就会失去控制，而且偏袒富人国家的繁荣无法持久。国家经济的成败不仅仅取决于国内生产总值的大小，而且取决于繁荣的覆盖面，取决于我们是否有能力让所有有意愿的人都有机会走向富裕。我们这样做不是慈善，而是因为这是确保实现共同利益的途径。
As for our common defence, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
就共同防御而言，我们认为国家安全与国家理想的只能选其一的排他选择是错的。面对我们几乎无法想像的危险，我们的先辈们起草了确保法治和个人权利的宪章。一代代人民的鲜血夯实了这一宪章。宪章中的理想依然照亮着世界，我们不能以经验之谈放弃这些理想。因此我想对正在观看这一仪式的其他国家的人民和政府说，不论他们现在各国伟大的首府还是在如同我父亲出生地一般的小村落，我想让他们知道：对于每个追求和平和自尊的国家和个人而言，美国都是朋友，我们愿意再次领导大家踏上追寻之旅。
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
回想先辈们在抵抗法西斯主义之时，他们不仅依靠手中的导弹或坦克，他们还依靠稳固的联盟和坚定的信仰。他们深知单凭自己的力量我们无法保护自己，他们也深知我们强大并不足以使我们有权利为所欲为。他们明白，正是因为使用谨慎，我们的实力才不断增强；正是因为我们的事业是公正的、我们为世界树立了榜样，因为我们的谦卑和节制，我们才安全。
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort - even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologise for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defence, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
我们继承了这些遗产。在这些原则的再次领导下，我们有能力应对新的威胁，我们需要付出更多的努力、
进行国家间更广泛的合作以及增进国家间的理解。首先，我们将以负责任的态度，将伊拉克交还给伊拉克人民，同时巩固阿富汗来之不易的和平。对于老朋友和老对手，我们将继续努力，不遗余力，削弱核威胁，遏制全球变暖的幽灵。我们不会为我们的生活方式感到报歉，我们会不动摇地?I卫我们的生活方式。对于那些企图通过恐怖主义或屠杀无辜平民达成目标的人，我们要对他们说：我们的信仰更加坚定，不可动摇，你们不可能拖垮我们，我们定将战胜你们。
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus - and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
因为我们知道，我们的多元化遗产是一个优势，而非劣势。我们国家里有基督徒也有穆斯林，有犹太教徒也有印度教徒，同时也有非宗教信徒。我们民族的成长受到许多语言和文化的影响，我们吸取了这个星球上任何一个角落的有益成分。正是因为我们民族曾亲尝过内战和种族隔离的苦酒，并且在经历了这些黑色的篇章之后变得更加强大更加团结，因此我们不由自主，只能相信一切仇恨终有一天都会成为过去，种族的划分不久就会消失，而且随着世界变得越来越小，我们相信终有一天人类共有的人性品德将会自动显现。在迎接新的和平时代到来的过程中，美国需要发挥自己的作用。
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the west - know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
对于穆斯林世界，我们将基于共同的利益和信仰，寻找更好的合作之路。对于那些在世界各个地方挑起冲突或一味批评西方不良影响的领导者：你的人民评判你的依据是你建立了什么，而不是破坏了什么。对于那些依靠腐败和欺骗并压制异议而追求权利的人们：你们站在了人类历史的对立面。如果你们能张开紧握的拳头，我们也将伸出友谊之手。
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
对于那些贫穷的人们，我们保证和你们一起建设繁茂的农场和干净的水源，滋养那些饥寒交迫的身体和心灵。对于那些与我们一样相对富裕的国家，我们不能再对外界的苦难漠不关心，更不能继续大肆索取世界的资源。世界必须改变，我们都必须改变。
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honour them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment - a moment that will define a generation - it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
篇二：美国总统就职演说名言
美国历任总统就职演说名句（一）
*我对我祖国的召唤，永远只能敬奉如仪。
I was summoned by my country ,whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love.——乔治·华盛顿首任就职演说(1789.4.30)
*同胞们：我再度奉人民之召执行总统职务.只要适当时机一到,我将会尽力表现出我心中对这份殊荣及美利坚人民对我的信任所怀有的崇高的感受。宪法规定总统在执行公务之前,需先行宣誓就职。现在我在你们面前宣誓:在我执掌政府期间，若企图故意触犯法律,除承受宪法惩罚外,还接受在现在这个庄严的仪式中所有见证人的严厉谴责。
Fellow Citizens:
I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate. When the occasion proper for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.
Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office. This oath I am now about to take, and in your presence: That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, I may (besides incurring constitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.
——乔治·华盛顿连任就职演说(1789.4.30)
*像我们这样的政府,不论存在多久，都是全人类知识与道德普遍传播的证明。
The existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people.
——约翰·亚当斯首任就职演说(1797.3.4)
*当一个并非尽善尽奏的人从这个职位卸任时，很少能像就任时那样深浮众望。
I have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into it.
*让我们恢复社会的和谐与友爱，因为没有它们，自由甚至生活本身，就将成为枯燥而无味的事情。
Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.
*与各国和平相处，加强商业往来，并保持真诚的友谊,但不与任何国家结盟。
Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none.
——托马斯·杰斐逊首任就职演说(1801.3.4)
*在宝贵的新闻自由与败坏新闻道德之间，并无一条明确的界限。
No other definite line can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press and its demoralizing licentiousness.
——托马斯·杰斐逊连任就职演说(1805.3.4)
*如果世界还有公正可言，这些论断的真实性将不会受到怀疑，至少子孙后代对此会给予公正的评价。
If there be candor in the world, the truth of these assertions will not be questioned; posterity at least will do justice to them.
——詹姆斯·麦迪逊首任就职演说(1809.3.4)
*如果我们能继续坚持目前已完成的事业,而且坚定地走已经开辟的路,我们一定会胜利。 If we persevere in the career in which we have advanced so far and in the path already traced , we can not fail.
——詹姆斯·门罗首任就职演说(1817.3.4)
*在调解现存的或可能发生的争端和冲突时，应表现出一个强国所具有的宽容而不能以一个英雄民族所固有的感情用事。
In the adjustment of may differences that may exist or arise to exhibit the forbearance becoming a powerful nation rather the sensibility belonging to a gallant people.
——安德鲁·杰克逊首任就职演说(1829.3.4)
*人民不会抛弃一个坚守岗位、诚实尽力的公仆。
The kindness of a people who never yet deserted a public servant honestly laboring in their cause. ——马丁·范布伦首任就职演说(1837.3.4)
*真正的自由精神是奉献、坚定、勇敢、不妥协，但实行自由权利必须小心、温和、宽容。 The true spirit of liberty, although devoted, persevering, bold, and uncompromising in the principle , that secured is mild and tolerant and scrupulous as to the means it employs.
——威廉·哈里逊首任就职演说(1841.3.4)
*我们的制度可以稳固地把我们的领土拓展到所能及的范围。
Our system may be safely extended to the utmost bounds of our territorial limits.
——詹姆斯·波尔克首任就职演说(1845.3.4)
*这一职位虽然可满足一种极高的奢望,但它所赋予的责任却是可畏的。
The position which I have been called to fill, though sufficient to satisfy the loftiest ambition, is surrounded by fearful responsibilities.
——扎克里·泰勒首任就职演说(1849.3.4)
*虽然我们的历史有限,然而未来却是无穷的。
If your past is limited , your future is boundless
——富兰克林·皮尔斯首任就职演说(1853.3.4)
*我们必须以公正的态度对待所有国家,也要求它门以相同的态度对待我们。
We ought to do justice in a kindly spirit to all nations and require justice from them in return——詹姆斯·布坎南首任就职演说(185.3.4)
从自然状态来说，我们是不可分的。我们不能相互分开，也不能在中间修筑道不可逾越的隔离墙。一对夫妻可以离婚，彼此不再见面，不再来往，但是我们国家的各个地区不能这样。它们仍得相互面对，并继续交往。
Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this. They can not but remain face to face , and intercourse , either amicable or hostile,
must continue between them.
——亚伯拉罕·林肯（1861.3.4）
*我们对任何人也不怀恶意，我们对所有的人都宽大为怀，坚持正义；上帝既使我们认识正义，让我们继续努力向前，完成我们正在进行的事业；包扎起国家的创伤，关心那些为战争作出牺牲的人，关心他们的遗孀和孤儿——尽一切力量，以求在我们自己之间，以及我们和所有的国家之间实现并维护一个公正和持久的和平。
With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.
——亚伯拉罕·林肯（1865.3.4）
*我将公正地与其他各国友好相处，像平等地对待个人一样。
I Would deal with nations as equitable law requires individuals to deal with each other.
*我希望全国上下相互宽容，下定决心,为建立一个幸福联邦贡献自己的力量。
I ask patient forbearance one toward another throughout the land, and a determined effort on the part of every citizen to do his share toward cementing a happy union.
——尤利塞斯·辛普森·格兰特（1869.3.4）
*我们不论在文化上还是在军事上都占有绝对优势.因此，我们应该宽厚地对待印第安人。过去不善待他们是应好好考虑的,应取得他们的信任。
Our superiority of strength and advantages of civilization should make us lenient toward the Indian. The wrong inflicted upon him should be taken into account and the balance placed to his credit.
——尤利塞斯·辛普森·格兰特（1873.3.4）
*总统职位之争应本着友好、平和的原则予以调节,而且一旦这种调节、疏导的工作完成,全国上下就应该一致遵从。
Conflicting claims to the Presidency must be amicably and peaceably adjusted, and that when so adjusted the general acquiescence of the nation ought surely to fellow.
——拉什福德·伯查德·海斯（1877.3.5）
*问题悬而未决，万邦不得安宁
It has been said that unsettled questions have no pity for the repose of nations.
——詹姆斯·艾布拉姆·加菲尔德（1881.3.5）
*通过以身作则,当然也要不失官事活动之庄重,来引导同胞们采取一种有助于廉正,并促进节俭和繁荣的简朴的生活方式。
May do much by their example to encourage, consistently with the dignity of their official functions, that plain way of life which among their fellow-citizens aids integrity and promotes thrift and prosperity.
——格罗弗·克利夫兰（1885.3.4）
*我们还没有达到理想的境界。并非所有的人都幸福富足，也非所有的人都行善守法。
We have not attained and ideal condition . Not all of our people are happy and prosperous; not all of them are virtuous and law-abiding.
*我并不怀疑未来，在我们的道路上曾危机四伏，但我们已经发现并完全克服了它们。
I do not mistrust the future. Dangers have been in frequent ambush along our path, but we have uncovered and vanquished them all.
——本杰明·哈利森（1889.3.4）
*即使一个强壮的人,具有坚强的体魄,对生活有坚定而积极的追求,并敢于承受持久的劳动,也可能存在潜在的、不易发现的致命的疾病，从而使他突然倒下。
The strong man who in the confidence of sturdy health courts the sternest activities of life and rejoices in the hardihood of constant labor may still have lurking near his vitals the unheeded disease that dooms him to sudden collapse.
*如果对于我们的力量和资源不要太过于自信的话,会使,我们更明智。
We will be wise if we temper our confidence and faith in our national strength and resources with the frank concession.
*我们的任务不是惩罚，而是纠正错误.如果为了解除人民日常生活的负担,我们减少那些长期享有的、不正常的、不合理的待遇，这是基于正义和公正而采取的必要措施。
Our mission is not punishment, but the rectification of wrong. If in lifting burdens from the daily life of our people we reduce inordinate and unequal advantages too long enjoyed, this is but a necessary incident of our return to right and justice.
——格罗弗·克利夫兰（1893.3.4）
*我们应该同时具备“观念的正确”和“行动的稳健”。
We must be both “sure wee right” and “make haste slowly”.
*节约是政府个部门任何时候都应遵守的原则.在目前工商业萧条、民心沮丧之际，尤其要强调这一原则。
Economy is demanded in every branch of the Government at all times. But especially in periods, like the present, of depression in business and distress among the people.
*值此入不敷出之时，举债之风,实不可长。
It will suffice while it lasts, but it can not last long while the outlays of the Government are greater than its receipts.
*有利于生产者的立法，便是对全国有利的立法。
Legislation helpful to producers is beneficial to all.
——威廉·麦金莱（1897.3.4）
*诚实、才华和勤劳是公职人员最应具备的条件。
Honesty, capacity, and industry are nowhere more indispensable than in public employment.
*“怀有希望并不可耻”。预言厄运的人并不是共和国建造者。
“Hope makenot ashamed” The prophets of evil were not the builders of the Republic.——威廉·麦金莱（1901.3.4）
*我们享受了很多的给予，因此也完全有理由被期望承受很多的付出。
Much has been given us, and much will rightfully be expected from us.
*不论是国家或个人,公正和宽厚都强者而不是弱者的表现。
But justice and generosity in a nation, as in individual, count most when shown not by the weak but the strong.
*我们希望和平，但这一和平必须是公正的和平，正义的。是因为我们认为那是正当的，而不是因为我们胆怯。
We wish peace, but we wish the peace of justice, the peace of righteousness. We wish it because we think it is right and not because we are afraid.
*我们不再遇到先辈们曾遇过的危险,但却正面临先辈们所未能预知的危险。
Our forefathers faced certain perils which we have outgrown. We now face other perils, the very existence of which it was impossible that they should foresee.
*我们没有理由惧怕未来，却有足够的理由严肃地面对未来。
There is not good reason why we should fear the future, but there is every reason why we should face it seriously.
——西奥多·罗斯福（1905.3.4）
在美国44任、56届总统的就职演说中,留下了不少传诵后世的名篇。其中某些经典名言更是扬名天下,下面是笔者摘录其中的部分名句与网友资源共享。1月24日已经发布了(一)现在发布（二）,奥巴马就职演说全文已发于1月21日。
*我们一直对自己工业上的成就感到骄傲，但至今为止，却从未冷静地计算一下这一切所花费的社会代价；人的代价，生活所毁灭的代价，以及精力由于负担过重而崩溃的代价。 ----伍德罗·威尔逊首任就职演说（1913.3.4）
*我们的政策是对最卑微的人和最强有力的人一视同仁,并一心一意维护这一正义而公道的标准,我们为此而感到自豪.但我们对这一政策在实行中的不足之处,却非常粗心大意,而急于求成。
----伍德罗·威尔逊首任就职演说（1913.3.4）
*公正，只有公正，才永远是我们的座右铭。
----伍德罗·威尔逊首任就职演说（1913.3.4）
*我们已经完成的工作并不值得太骄傲，共同福祉才是我们努力的目标。
篇三：美国历届总统就职演说
华盛顿：First Inaugural Address of George Washington
THE CITY OF NEW YORK
THURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil
administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.
Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private
good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which
conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.
By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President "to
recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The
circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those
circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a
recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of
communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union
between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.
Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered
expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective
government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.
To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.
Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled
unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.
美国人民的实验
乔治-华盛顿
第一次就职演讲
纽约 星期四,1789年4月30日
参议院和众议院的同胞们：
在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此重大和艰巨，足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力，而我天资愚饨，又无民政管理的实践，理应倍觉自己能力之不足，因而必然感到难以肩此重任。怀着这种矛盾心情，我唯一敢断言的是，通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来克尽厥职，乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在执行这项任务时因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民们对我的高度信赖，因而受到过多影响，以致在处理从未经历过的大事时，忽视了自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会由于使我误人歧途的各种动机而减轻，而大家在评判错误的后果时；也会适当包涵产生这些动机的偏见。
既然这就是我在遵奉公众召唤就任现职时的感想，那么，在此宣誓就职之际，如不热忱地祈求全能的上帝就极其失当，因为上帝统治着宇宙，主宰着各国政府，它的神助能弥补人类的任何不足，愿上帝赐福，侃佑一个为美国人民的自由和幸福而组成的政府，保佑它为这些基本目的而作出奉献，保佑政府的各项行政措施在我负责之下都能成功地发挥作用。我相信，在向公众利益和私人利益的伟大缔造者献上这份崇敬时，这些活也同样表达了各位和广大公民的心意。没有人能比美国人更坚定不移地承认和崇拜掌管人间事务的上帝。他们在迈向独立国家的进程中，似乎每走一步都有某种天佑的迹象；他们在刚刚完成的联邦政府体制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔诚的感恩而得到某种回报，如果不是谦卑地期待着过去有所预示的赐福的到来，那么，通过众多截然不同的集团的平静思考和自愿赞同来完成改革，这种方式是不能与大多数政府的组建方式同日而语的。在目前转折关头，我产生这些想法确实是深有所感而不能自已，我相信大家会和我怀有同感，即除了仰仗上帝的力量，一个新生的自由政府别无他法能一开始就事事顺利。根据设立行政部门的条款，总统有责任“将他认为必要而妥善的措施提请国会审议”。但在目前与各位见面的这个场合，恕我不进一步讨论这个问题，而只提一下伟大的宪法，它使各位今天聚集一堂，它规定了各位的权限，指出了各位应该注意的目标。在这样的场合，更恰当、也更能反映我内心激情的做法是不提出具体措施，而是称颂将要规划和采纳这些措施的当选者的才能、正直和爱国心。我从这些高贵品格中看到了最可靠的保证：其一，任何地方偏见或地方感情，任何意见分歧或党派敌视，都不能使我们偏离全局观点和公平观点，即必须维护这个由不同地区和利益所组成的大联合；因此，其二，我国的政策将会以纯洁而坚定的个人道德原则为基础，而自由政府将会以那赢得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特点而显示其优越性。我对国家的一片热爱之心激励着我满怀喜悦地展望这幅远景，因为根据自然界的构成和发展趋势，在美德与幸福之间，责任与利益之间，恪守诚实宽厚的政策与获得社会繁荣幸福的硕果之间，有着密不可分的统一；因为我们应该同样相信，上帝亲自规定了水恒的秩序和权利法则，它决不可能对无视这些法则的国家慈祥地加以赞许；因为人们理所当然地、满怀深情地、也许是最后一次把维护神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命运，系于美国人所遵命进行的实验上。
我已将有感于这一聚会场合的想法奉告各位，现在我就要向大家告辞；但在此以前，我要再一次以谦卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝给予帮助。因为承蒙上帝的恩赐，美国人有了深思熟虑的机会，以及为确保联邦的安全和促进幸福，用前所未有的一致意见来决定政府体制的意向；因而，同样明显的是，上帝将保佑我们扩大眼界，心平气和地进行协商，并采取明智的措施，而这些都是本届政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠。
杰斐逊：Thomas Jefferson First Inaugural Address
First Inaugural Address
March 4, 1801
FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS,
Called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive office of our country, I avail myself of the presence of that portion of my fellow-citizens which is here assembled to express my grateful thanks for the favor with which they have been pleased to look toward me, to declare a sincere consciousness that the task is above my talents, and that I approach it with those anxious and awful presentiments which the
greatness of the charge and the weakness of my powers so justly inspire. A rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich productions of their industry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power and forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of mortal eye --
when I contemplate these transcendent objects, and see the honor, the happiness, and the hopes of this beloved country committed to the issue and the auspices of this day, I shrink from the contemplation, and humble myself before the magnitude of the undertaking. Utterly, indeed, should I despair did not the presence of many whom I here see remind me that in the other high authorities provided by our Constitution I shall find resources of wisdom, of virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under all difficulties. To you, then,
gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions of legislation, and to those associated with you, I look with encouragement for that guidance and support which may enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we are all embarked amidst the conflicting elements of a troubled world.
During the contest of opinion through which we have passed the animation of discussions and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on strangers unused to think freely and to speak and to write what they think; but this being now decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the Constitution, all will, of course, arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the common good. All, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will to be rightful must be reasonable; that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal law must protect, and to violate would be oppression. Let us, then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind. Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things. And let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody
persecutions. During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore; that this should be more felt and feared by some and less by others, and should divide opinions as to measures of safety. But every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists. If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it. I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government can not be strong, that this Government is not strong enough; but would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm on the theoretic and visionary fear that this Government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve itself? I trust not. I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest Government on earth. I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern. Sometimes it is said that man can not be trusted with the government of himself. Can he, then, be trusted with the government of others? Or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern him? Let history answer this question.
Let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government. Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe; too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others; possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the thousandth and thousandth
generation; entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow-citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them; enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man; acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafter -- with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow-citizens -- a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.
About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our Government, and consequently those which ought to shape its Administration. I will compress them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations. Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against antirepublican
tendencies; the preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by the people -- a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no
appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burthened; the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of
commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason; freedom of religion; freedom of the press, and freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected. These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment. They should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust; and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety.
I repair, then, fellow-citizens, to the post you have assigned me. With experience enough in
subordinate offices to have seen the difficulties of this the greatest of all, I have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into it. Without pretensions to that high confidence you reposed in our first and greatest revolutionary character, whose preeminent services had entitled him to the first place in his country's love and destined for him the fairest page in the volume of faithful history, I ask so much confidence only as may give firmness and effect to the legal administration of your affairs. I shall often go wrong through defect of judgment. When right, I shall often be thought wrong by those whose positions will not command a view of the whole ground. I ask your indulgence for my own errors, which will never be intentional, and your support against the errors of others, who may condemn what they would not if seen in all its parts. The approbation implied by your suffrage is a great consolation to me for the past, and my future solicitude will be to retain the good opinion of those who have bestowed it in advance, to conciliate that of others by doing them all the good in my power, and to be instrumental to the happiness and freedom of all.
Relying, then, on the patronage of your good will, I advance with obedience to the work, ready to retire from it whenever you become sensible how much better choice it is in your power to make. And may that Infinite Power which rules the destinies of the universe lead our councils to what is best, and give them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity.
同心同德地团结起来
托马斯-杰斐逊 第一次就职演讲
华盛顿,星期三,1801年3月4日
朋友们、同胞们：
我应召担任国家的最高行政长官，值此诸位同胞集会之时，我衷心感谢大家寄予我的厚爱，诚挚地说，我意识到这项任务非我能力所及，其责任之重大，本人能力之浅簿，自然使我就任时忧惧交加。一个沃野千里的新兴国家，带着丰富的工业产品跨海渡洋，同那些自恃强权、不顾公理的国家进行贸易，向着世人无法预见的天命疾奔——当我思考这些重大的目标，当我想到这个可爱的国家，其荣誉、幸福和希望都系于这个问题和今天的盛典，我就不敢再想下去，并面对这宏图大业自惭德薄能鲜。确实，若不是在这里见到许多先生们在场，使我想起无论遇到什么困难，都可以向宪法规定的另一高级机构寻找智慧、美德和热忱的源泉，我一定会完全心灰意懒。因此，负有神圣的立法职责的先生们和各位有关人士，我鼓起勇气期望你们给予指引和支持，使我们能够在乱世纷争中同舟共济，安然航行。
在我们过去的意见交锋中，大家热烈讨论，各展所长，这种紧张气氛，有时会使不习惯于自由思想、不习惯于说出或写下自己想法的人感到不安；但如今，这场争论既已由全国的民意作出决定，而且根据宪法的规定予以公布，大家当然会服从法律的意志，妥为安排，为共同的利益齐心协力，大家也会铭记这条神圣的原则；尽管在任何情况下，多数人的意志是起决定作用的，但这种意志必须合理才瞩公正；少数人享有同等权利，这种权利必须同样受到法律保护，如果侵犯，便是压迫。因此，公民们，让我们同心同德地团结起来。让我们在社会交往中和睦如初、恢复友爱，如果没有这