尼克松第二次就职演说
篇一：8 理查德-尼克松 第二次就职演讲
Second Inaugural Address of Richard Milhous Nixon
Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, Senator Cook, Mrs. Eisenhower, and my fellow citizens of this great and good country we share together:
When we met here four years ago, America was bleak in spirit, depressed by the prospect of seemingly endless war abroad and of destructive conflict at home. As we meet here today, we stand on the threshold of a new era of peace in the world. The central question before us is: How shall we use that peace? Let us resolve that this era we are about to enter will not be what other postwar periods have so often been: a time of retreat and isolation that leads to stagnation at home and invites new danger abroad. Let us resolve that this will be what it can become: a time of great responsibilities greatly borne, in which we renew the spirit and the promise of America as we enter our third century as a nation. This past year saw far-reaching results from our new policies for peace. By continuing to revitalize our traditional friendships, and by our missions to Peking and to Moscow, we were able to establish the base for a new and more durable pattern of relationships among the nations of the world. Because of America's bold initiatives, 1972 will be long remembered as the year of the greatest progress since the end of World War II toward a lasting peace in the world. The peace we seek in the world is not the flimsy peace which is merely an interlude between wars, but a peace which can endure for generations to come. It is important that we understand both the necessity and the limitations of America's role in maintaining that peace. Unless we in America work to preserve the peace, there will be no peace. Unless we in America work to preserve freedom, there will be no freedom. But let us clearly understand the new nature of America's role, as a result of the new policies we have adopted over these past four years. We shall respect our treaty commitments. We shall support vigorously the principle that no country has the right to impose its will or rule on another by force. We shall continue, in this era of negotiation, to work for the limitation of nuclear arms, and to reduce the danger of confrontation between the great powers. We shall do our share in defending peace and freedom in the world. But we shall
expect others to do their share. The time has passed when America will make every other nation's conflict our own, or make every other nation's future our responsibility, or presume to tell the people of other nations how to manage their own affairs. Just as we respect the right of each nation to determine its own future, we also recognize the responsibility of each nation to secure its own future. Just as America's role is indispensable in preserving the world's peace, so is each nation's role indispensable in preserving its own peace. Together with the rest of the world, let us resolve to move forward from the beginnings we have made. Let us continue to bring down the walls of hostility which have divided the world for too long, and to build in their place bridges of understanding—so that despite profound differences between systems of government, the people of the world can be friends. Let us build a structure of peace in the world in which the weak are as safe as the strong—in which each respects the right of the other to live by a different system—in which those who would influence others will do so by the strength of their ideas, and not by the force of their arms. Let us accept that high responsibility not as a burden, but gladly—gladly because the chance to build such a peace is the noblest endeavor in which a nation can engage; gladly, also, because only if we act greatly in meeting our responsibilities abroad will we remain a great Nation, and only if we remain a great Nation will we act greatly in meeting our challenges at home. We have the chance today to do more than ever before in our history to make life better in America—to ensure better education, better health, better housing, better transportation, a cleaner environment—to restore respect for law, to make our communities more livable—and to insure the God-given right of every American to full and equal opportunity. Because the range of our needs is so great—because the reach of our opportunities is so great—let us be bold in our determination to meet those needs in new ways. Just as building a structure of peace abroad has required turning away from old policies that failed, so(转 载于:www.zaIdian.cOM 在 点 网) building a new era of progress at home requires turning away from old policies that have failed. Abroad, the shift from old policies to new has not been a retreat from our responsibilities, but a better way to peace. And at home, the shift from old policies to new will not be a retreat from our responsibilities, but a better way to progress. Abroad and at home, the key to those new responsibilities lies in the placing and the division of responsibility. We have lived too long with the consequences of attempting to gather all power and responsibility in Washington.
Abroad and at home, the time has come to turn away from the condescending policies of paternalism—of "Washington knows best." A person can be expected to act responsibly only if he has responsibility. This is human nature. So let us encourage individuals at home and nations abroad to do more for themselves, to decide more for themselves. Let us locate responsibility in more places. Let us measure what we will do for others by what they will do for themselves. That is why today I offer no promise of a purely governmental solution for every problem. We have lived too long with that false promise. In trusting too much in government, we have asked of it more than it can deliver. This leads only to inflated expectations, to reduced individual effort, and to a disappointment and frustration that erode confidence both in what government can do and in what people can do. Government must learn to take less from people so that people can do more for themselves. Let us remember that America was built not by government, but by people—not by welfare, but by work—not by shirking responsibility, but by seeking responsibility. In our own lives, let each of us ask—not just what will government do for me, but what can I do for myself? In the challenges we face together, let each of us ask—not just how can government help, but how can I help? Your National Government has a great and vital role to play. And I pledge to you that where this Government should act, we will act boldly and we will lead boldly. But just as important is the role that each and every one of us must play, as an individual and as a member of his own community. From this day forward, let each of us make a solemn commitment in his own heart: to bear his responsibility, to do his part, to live his ideals—so that together, we can see the dawn of a new age of progress for America, and together, as we celebrate our 200th anniversary as a nation, we can do so proud in the fulfillment of our promise to ourselves and to the world. As America's longest and most difficult war comes to an end, let us again learn to debate our differences with civility and decency. And let each of us reach out for that one precious quality government cannot provide—a new level of respect for the rights and feelings of one another, a new level of respect for the individual human dignity which is the cherished birthright of every American. Above all else, the time has come for us to renew our faith in ourselves and in America. In recent years, that faith has been challenged. Our children have been taught to be ashamed of their country, ashamed of their parents, ashamed of America's record at home and of its role in the world.
At every turn, we have been beset by those who find everything wrong with America and little that is right. But I am confident that this will not be the judgment of history on these remarkable times in which we are privileged to live. America's record in this century has been unparalleled in the world's history for its responsibility, for its generosity, for its creativity and for its progress. Let us be proud that our system has produced and provided more freedom and more abundance, more widely shared, than any other system in the history of the world. 42Let us be proud that in each of the four wars in which we have been engaged in this century, including the one we are now bringing to an end, we have fought not for our selfish advantage, but to help others resist aggression.
Let us be proud that by our bold, new initiatives, and by our steadfastness for peace with honor, we have made a break-through toward creating in the world what the world has not known before—a structure of peace that can last, not merely for our time, but for generations to come. We are embarking here today on an era that presents challenges great as those any nation, or any generation, has ever faced. We shall answer to God, to history, and to our conscience for the way in which we use these years. As I stand in this place, so hallowed by history, I think of others who have stood here before me. I think of the dreams they had for America, and I think of how each recognized that he needed help far beyond himself in order to make those dreams come true. Today, I ask your prayers that in the years ahead I may have God's help in making decisions that are right for America, and I pray for your help so that together we may be worthy of our challenge. Let us pledge together to make these next four years the best four years in America's history, so that on its 200th birthday America will be as young and as vital as when it began, and as bright a beacon of hope for all the world. Let us go forward from here confident in hope, strong in our faith in one another, sustained by our faith in God who created us, and striving always to serve His purpose.
副总统先生，议长先生，首席大法官先生，库克参议员，艾森豪威尔夫人，共同生活在这个伟大而美好的国度的公民们：
四年前，我们在此相聚之时，美国正因为看起来无休无止的国外战争和毁灭性的国内冲突而灰心丧气，整个国家情绪低落，精神不振。
今天，我们重聚于此，我们已站在了世界和平新纪元的门槛之上。
我们所面临的核心问题乃是：我们应当如何利用这种和平？
让我们下定决心，不让我们即将跨入的这个时代重蹈以往战后年代的覆辙，成为一个退却和孤立的时代，导致国内停滞萧条，在国外诱发新的危险。
让我们下定决心，使这个时代成为一个肩负重任的时代，在这个时代，我们将更新美国的精神和希望，以迎接美国建国后的第三个世纪。
过去的一年里，我们寻求和平的新政策产生了意义深远的后果。由于不断刷新我们同各国之间的传统友谊，并派员出访北京和莫斯科，我们得以为世界各国之间建立一种更为持久的新型关系模式奠定了基础。美国的大胆首创使得1972年成为自二战以来向世界持久和平迈出最大步伐的一年，并因此而载入史册。
我们在世界上所寻求的和平并不是一种脆弱的和平，如同两次战争之间的间奏曲；而是一种能够延续无数代的和平。
美国在维护这一和平中发挥的作用，既是必不可少的，同时也存在着局限性，明白这一点相当重要。
除非我们在美国努力维护和平，否则就没有和平可言。
除非我们在美国努力维护自由，否则就没有自由可言。
通过过去的四年我们所采取的新政策，我们应深刻理解美国所扮演角色的这种新性质。
我们将尊重我们的条约义务。
我们将积极支持这样的原则——任何国家都无权凭借武力把自己的意志或统治强加于别的国家。
在这个谈判的时代，我们将继续谋求限制核武器，减少大国间对抗的危险。
我们将尽到我们的一份责任，在世界上捍卫和平与自由。同时，我们也希望别的国家能尽到他们的一份责任。
美国不再把其他国家的冲突当做自己的冲突，不再把他国的未来前途视为自己的责任，也不再自认有权教导别国人民如何处理自己的事务。这样的时代已经结束了。
正如我们尊重各国决定自己未来的权利一样，我们也承认各国有责任实现自己的未来。
正如美国在维护世界和平方面起着不可或缺的作用一样，每一个国家在维护自己的和平方面所起的作用也是必不可少的。
让我们下定决心，同世界其他国家一道，从已经达到的起点向前迈进吧！让我们继续努力，摧毁那些长期使世界陷于分裂的仇视之墙，并在其废墟上架起理解的桥梁，这样，即使在政府体制方面存在着深刻差异，世界各国人民仍能成为朋友。
让我们在全世界构筑起和平的大厦。在这个大厦中，弱国与强国一样安全无恙；每个国家都尊重与自己制度不同的国家的权利；一个国家如果想对其他国家施加影响，所凭借的将是思想观念的力量，而不是诉诸于武力。
让我们愉快地接受这一崇高的责任，不要把它作为一个负担。我们之所以愉快地承担这一责任，是因为有机会来建设这样一种和平，乃是一个国家所能从事的最高尚
篇二：尼克松第一次就职演讲中英文
MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969
Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community: 德克森参议员、最高法院首席法官先生、副总统先生、约翰逊总统、汉弗莱副总统、美国同胞们、全世界的公民们
I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free. 今天，我请求你们与我共度这一庄严的时刻。当此有条不紊地进行权力交接之际，我们欢庆我们的团结一致，它使我们永享自由。
Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries. 时光飞逝，历史上的每一刻都弥足珍贵，而又独一无二。但有些时刻却十分引人注目，它标志着一个开端，为未来数十年乃至几个世纪确立方针路线。
This can be such a moment. 现在可能就是这样一个时刻。
Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries. 现在，各种力量正汇聚在一起，使得人类夙愿的最终实现首次成为可能。 变动的步伐在不断加快，这使我们得以在有生之年展望那些过去许多世纪才能发生的进步。
In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth. 我们不仅在太空开阔了眼界，而且在地球上亦已打开了新的天地。
For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace. 由于各国人民期待和平，各国领导人对战争则满怀忧惧，所以我们第一次跨入了一个和平的时代。
Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third
millennium. 从现在再过八年，我们将庆祝美国建国二百周年。在生活于现在的大多数人的有生之年，人类将迎接那个千年一度的伟大新年，这就是第三个千禧年的开端。
What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices. 我们的国家将走向何方，我们将要生活在怎样的世界里，我们能否按照自己的愿望铸造未来，这都将取决于我们自己的行动和抉择。
The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of
civilization. 历史所能授予的最为光荣的称号，莫过于“和平缔造者”。这一荣誉在等待着美国。也就是说，历史赋予美国一个机遇，以引导世界最终跃出动乱的深谷，走向和平的高原，这乃是人类自文明曙光初现以来所一直梦寐以求的事情。
If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind. 如果我们获得了成功，后辈子孙在谈到现在在世的这一代人时就会说，我们熟练地把握了时机，为创造一个人类共享安全的世界尽了我们的力量。
This is our summons to greatness. 这是召唤我们创立丰功伟绩的号角。I believe the American people are ready to answer this call. 我相信，美国人民准备随时响应这一召唤。
The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.本世纪自1933年以来的三十余年，乃是一个辉煌成就层出不穷的时代，我们在科学、工业和农业各个领域都获得了长足的进步。我们比以往任何时候都更为广泛地分享我们的财富。我们终于学会了如何管理现代经济，以确保其持续增长。
We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white. 我们为自由开拓了新的领域，并且开始实践诺言，使黑人和白人一样同享自由。
We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America's youth. I believe in them. We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history. 在今天青年人的身上，我们看到了明日的希望之光，我了解美国的青年，我也相信他
们。同我国历史上任何一代相比，当今的青年受到了更好的教育，更富于献身精神，更强烈地感受到良心的驱使。我们为此而深感自豪。
No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope. 我们比任何民族都更接近于建成一个公正而富裕的社会，或者说没有人像我们一样抱有建成这种社会的决心。我们拥有如此强大的力量，因而能够坦率地面对我们的弱点，并满怀希望地设法予以克服。
Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in
surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things." 三十余年前，富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福站在这个地方，向饱受经济萧条蹂蹦并深陷惶恐之中的人民发表演说。他在考察国家的困难时说道：“值得庆幸的是，这些困难仅仅只涉及物质方面的事情。”
Our crisis today is the reverse. 我们今天的危机却恰好相反。
We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with
magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth. 我们发现自己在物质上富甲天下，精神上却一贫如洗。我们十分准确地接近了月球，在地球上却陷入吵吵嚷嚷的相互纷争之中。
We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them. 我们困于战乱，企盼着和平；我们苦于四分五裂，期待着团结统一。我们放眼四周，我们困于战乱，企盼着和平；我们苦于四分五裂，期待着团结统一。
To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit. 对于这一精神上的危机，我们需要从精神上作出回应。
To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves. When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness. 在聆听我们天性中的“主善天使”时，我们发现她们所赞美的是那些质朴和基本的东西，诸如德行、尊严、爱心和善良之类。
Greatness comes in simple trappings. 伟大原本来自朴实无华。
The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us. 我们若要消除导致分裂的因素，加强促进团结的纽带，当务之急乃是一些简单易行的事情。
To lower our voices would be a simple thing.譬如压低嗓门就是一件简单易行的事情。
In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from
inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.在这些艰难的岁月里，美国热衷于辞令，随口许诺以致轻诺寡信，言词激愤以致将不满煽动成仇恨；夸夸其谈，故弄玄虚，而不是循循善诱，结果使我们吃尽苦头。
We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices. 我们彼此之间应停止吵吵闹闹，我们要心平气和地相互对话，这样才能使对方不仅听清我们的声音，而且理解我们的言辞，否则，我们根本就不可能相互学习。For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard. 就政府一方而言，将倾听一切声音，我们将致力于通过新的途径来倾听各种声音－——倾听默默受苦之声，倾听无言的诉说，倾听发自肺腑的声音，倾听受伤者的悲鸣、焦虑者的呼号以及因无人倾听而陷入绝望的叹息。
Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in. Those left behind, we will help to catch up. For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure. 对于那些被遗弃的人，我们将尽全力使之加入我们的队伍。 对于那些落后的人，我们将帮助他们迎头赶上。 对于我国全体人民，我们的目标在于建立良好秩序，以推动社会进步，保障人民安居乐业。
As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new. 尽是空虚无聊的生灵，需要加以充实。我们深知有许多任务需要加以承担，等待着人们去着手完成。 In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history. 在过去的三分之一
世纪里，政府所通过的法律，所花费的钱财，以及所发起的项目，均超过以往历史的总和。
In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press
urgently forward. 我们要实现充分就业，改善居住条件，达到优质教育的目标；重建城市和改进乡村地区；保护环境，提高生活质量。在所有这一切以及更多的方面，我们将要而且必须励精图治，一往直前。
We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the
destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home. 总有一天，我们用于国外毁灭性战争的财富将会转用于满足国内人民的迫切需要。现在我们就应当为这一天的到来做好准备。
The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep. But we are
approaching the limits of what government alone can do. 美国梦不会降临于那些沉睡不醒的人们中间。 然而，我们正在接近政府单独作为的极限。
Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed. 现在的当务之急乃是突破政府的局限，去争取众多利益所关和乐于献身的人们的支持。
What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything. 对于必须完成的事情，当由政府和人民同心协力，方可有成，否则将劳而无功。过去的惨痛经历使我们懂得，离开人民我们就一事无成，与人民在一起，我们就无往而不胜。
To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal. 我们的事业宏伟壮丽，因而我们需要人民的力量。我们调动人民不仅是为了投身于宏图大业，更加重要的是从事琐碎而光彩夺目的工作，这些工作通常不会成为全国性报刊的头条新闻，而只出现于社区性报纸的头版头条。 With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing. 借此我们就能建造一座宏伟的精神殿堂。我们每个人只要向自己的邻人援之以手，帮助和爱护他人，并且努力工作，就在为这座殿堂添砖加瓦。
篇三：尼克松就职演说
MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969
Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community:
I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.
This can be such a moment.
Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.
In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.
For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.
Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a
thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium.
What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.
The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.
If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.
This is our summons to greatness.
I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.
The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.
We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.
We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America's youth. I believe in them. We can be proud that they are
better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.
No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.
Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things."
Our crisis today is the reverse.
We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.
We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.
To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.
When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.
Greatness comes in simple trappings.
The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.
To lower our voices would be a simple thing.
In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.
We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.
For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.
Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.
Those left behind, we will help to catch up.
For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.
As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.
In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.
In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.
The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.
But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.
Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.
What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.
To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood