ATimetoBreakSilen

英语演讲稿2018-12-12 23:21书业网

精选范文:ATimetoBreakSilen(共2篇)

they must see americans as strange liberators. the vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954* -- in 1945 *rather* -- after a combined french and japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in china. they were led by ho chi minh. even though they quoted the american declaration of independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. instead, we decided to support france in its reconquest of her former colony. our government felt then that the vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. with that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by china -- for whom the vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. for the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.

for nine years following 1945 we denied the people of vietnam the right of independence. for nine years we vigorously supported the french in their abortive effort to recolonize vietnam. before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the french war costs. even before the french were defeated at dien bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. we encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.

after the french were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the geneva agreement. but instead there came the united states, determined that ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier diem. the peasants watched and cringed as diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the north. the peasants watched as all this was presided over by united states' influence and then by increasing numbers of united states troops who came to help quell the insurgency that diem's methods had aroused. when diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.

the only change came from america, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. all the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow vietnamese, the real enemy. they move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. they know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.

so they go, primarily women and children and the aged. they watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. they must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. they wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from american firepower for one vietcong-inflicted injury. so far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. they wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. they see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. they see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.

what do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? what do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of europe? where are the roots of the independent vietnam we claim to be building? is it among these voiceless ones?

we have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. we have destroyed their land and their crops. we have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified buddhist church. we have supported the enemies of the peasants of saigon. we have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.

now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." the peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new vietnam on such grounds as these. could we blame them for such thoughts? we must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. these, too, are our brothers.

perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* what of the national liberation front, that strangely anonymous group we call "vc" or "communists"? what must they think of the united states of america when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south? what do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? how can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the north" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? how can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.

how do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? what must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? they ask how we can speak of free elections when the saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. and they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. they question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. their questions are frighteningly relevant. is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?

here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. for from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.

so, too, with hanoi. in the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. to speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in western words, and especially their distrust of american intentions now. in hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the japanese and the french, the men who sought membership in the french commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. it was they who led a second struggle against french domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at geneva. after 1954 they watched us conspire with diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought ho chi minh to power over a united vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. when we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.

also, it must be clear that the leaders of hanoi considered the presence of american troops in support of the diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the geneva agreement concerning foreign troops. they remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the south until american forces had moved into the tens of thousands.

hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier north vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. ho chi minh has watched as america has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of american plans for an invasion of the north. he knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores.

at this point i should make it clear that while i have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," i am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. for it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. we are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.

somehow this madness must cease. we must stop now. i speak as a child of god and brother to the suffering poor of vietnam. i speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. i speak for the poor of america who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. i speak as one who loves america, to the leaders of our own nation: the great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.

this is the message of the great buddhist leaders of vietnam. recently one of them wrote these words, and i quote:

each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. the americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies. it is curious that the americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. the image of america will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism (unquote).

if we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in vietnam. if we do not stop our war against the people of vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. the world now demands a maturity of america that we may not be able to achieve. it demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the vietnamese people. the situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. in order to atone for our sins and errors in vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.

*i would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:

number one: end all bombing in north and south vietnam.

number two: declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.

three: take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in southeast asia by curtailing our military buildup in thailand and our interference in laos.

four: realistically accept the fact that the national liberation front has substantial support in south vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future vietnam government.

five: *set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from vietnam in accordance with the 1954 geneva agreement.

part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the liberation front. then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. we must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary. meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment. we must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in vietnam. we must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.

*as we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. i am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, morehouse college, and i recommend it to all who find the american course in vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. moreover, i would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.* these are the times for real choices and not false ones. we are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.

now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in vietnam. i say we must enter that struggle, but i wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.

the war in vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the american spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing "clergy and laymen concerned" committees for the next generation. they will be concerned about guatemala and peru. they will be concerned about thailand and cambodia. they will be concerned about mozambique and south africa. we will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in american life and policy.

and so, such thoughts take us beyond vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living god.

in 1957, a sensitive american official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. during the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of u.s. military advisors in venezuela. this need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of american forces in guatemala. it tells why american helicopters are being used against guerrillas in cambodia and why american napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in peru.

it is with such activity in mind that the words of the late john f. kennedy come back to haunt us. five years ago he said, "those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable." increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments. i am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. we must rapidly begin...we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. when machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.

a true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. on the one hand, we are called to play the good samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. one day we must come to see that the whole jericho road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway. true compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. it comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.

[ATimetoBreakSilen(共2篇)]

篇一：A Time to Break Silence-打破沉寂

A Time to Break Silence

打破沉寂

Martin Luther King，4 April 1967

马丁·路德·金，1967年4月4日

Four years after American involvement in Vietnam began, King boldly issued his first statement against the war by calling for a negotiated peace settlement. His condemnation of the War garnered criticism from the government and some SCLC colleagues. Following advice to focus on civil rights instead, King decided to approach the issue of Vietnam with some reticence. Yet, when President Johnson announced his plan to divert funds from the War on Poverty to Vietnam in December of 1966, King could no longer suppress his opposition. In January of 1967, due in part to the encouragement of his wife and closest advisors, King made his most public and thorough statement against the War to a crowd of 3,000 people at the Riverside Church in New York City.

美国人卷入越南战争4年之后，金首次大胆地表露了他反对战争，呼吁和平谈判。他对战争的谴责得罪了政府和南方基督教领袖协会的一些同事。面对关注民权的建议，他决定对越南问题保持一定程度的沉默。然而，当1966年约翰逊总统宣布他计划转移支持越南向贫困宣战的资金时，金无法按捺他的反对意见。1967年1月（4月？），在部分源于他的妻子和最亲近伙伴的支持下，金在纽约市河畔教堂向3000人表述了他最公开、最彻底的反战态度。

I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. I join you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam. The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: "A time comes when silence is betrayal."

And that time has come for us in relation to Vietnam. 我之所以跨入此间宏伟的教堂，是因为我的良心让我别无选择。我加入你们的集会，则是因为我对这个聚合我们的组织——―忧世教士和俗人协会‖关注越南——的工作和主旨非常认同。我对你们执委会最近的声明深有同感，当我阅读到它的开场白的时候就甚有共鸣：― ?沉默即是背叛‘的时刻已经来临。‖这也是我们和越南紧密相关的时刻。

The truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. Nor does the human spirit move without great

difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world. Moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty;

but we must move on.

这些话的真实性勿庸置疑，但它们呼唤我们却是最难的任务。即使迫于内心真理的要求，人们也不容易承担反对政府政策的使命，特别是战争时期。要让人们转变态度，反对政策遵奉者对于他人内心和周围世界的冷漠，无不困难重重。而且，当手上的议题看似不知所措，限入它们经常所出现的糟糕的冲突状态，我们常被其不确定性所迷惑，但我们必须行动起来。

And some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. Perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. If it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.

我们当中已经打破夜的沉默的人发现，号召说话是一项痛苦的工作，但是我们必须说话。我们必须谦卑的说话，因为我们有限的视野，但是我们必须说话。并且我们也乐于如此，因为有这么多宗教领袖基于良心的指令和历史的阅读，选择超越滥殇的爱国主义，而站在坚定反对的对立面。也许一个新的精神正在我们当中升起。如果是这样，让我们跟随它的指引，并且祈祷我们的内心对其引导保持敏感，因为我们需要一条新路，以突破这如此紧紧包围我们的黑暗。

Over the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as I have called for radical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. At the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "Why are you speaking about the war, Dr. King?"

"Why are you joining the voices of dissent?"

"Peace and civil rights don't mix,"

they say. "Aren't you hurting the cause of your people,"

they ask? And when I hear them, though I often understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. Indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.

在过去的两年里，对于我转向于打破自己的沉默，说出自己的心声，对于我被称为激烈的反对摧毁越南，许多人问我的心路历程。他们关心这个问题的心理时常显得突出和响亮：“为什么你谈论这场战争，金博士？”“为什么你加入异议的行列？”“和平和民权不要混淆，”他们说。“难道你没有伤害到你的人民？”他们问。当我听到这些，虽然我时常明白他们关注的来源，我从来没有感到深深

的伤悲，因为这些问题意味着询问者并没有真正的认识我，我的承诺或我的号召，他们的问题显示他们并不了解他们所处的世界。

In the light of such tragic misunderstanding, I deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path from Dexter Avenue Baptist Church -- the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where I began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.

出于这样不幸的误会，我认为并坚信，最重要的是要清晰地表述，为什么我信任那条从德克斯特大街浸信会教堂——一所位于阿拉巴马蒙哥马利的教堂，我从那里开始我的牧师职务——清晰地指引到今晚殿堂的路。

I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National Liberation Front. It is not addressed to China or to Russia. Nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of Vietnam. Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or the National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. While they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.

今晚我来到这个讲台，是要向我挚爱的国家作一个热烈的演讲。这个演讲不是面向河内或是民族解放战线，也不是面向中国或是俄罗斯。它不是试图对越南悲剧模糊不清的整体局势和整体解决方案的需要加以忽略。它不是试图美化北越和民族解放阵线的榜样，也不忽略他们在成功解决这个问题中必须扮演的角色。当他们有正当的理由被怀疑对合众国的忠诚，生命和历史将雄辩的证明一个事实，冲突从来不会在双方没有诚信的情况下解决。

Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National Liberation Front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] Americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.

然而今晚，我不会谈论河内和民族解放阵线，而是我的美国。请你，和我一起对结束一个使两块土地都付出了巨大代价的冲突承担最大的责任。

Since I am a preacher by trade, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America. A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on

war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. So, I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.

从我就职业而言成为一名牧师以来，我想我有7个主要的理由将越南列入我的道德观视野，并不令人惊讶。首先，在越南的战争和在美国我和别人的斗争之间有一个非常显而易见的联系。几年前，在那场斗争中有一个闪光的时刻，对于穷人——包括黑人和白人——通过贫困项目，看起来似乎有一个真实承诺的希望。那儿有试验，希望和新的开始。继而它在越南得到了发展，我看到这个项目被打破、除去内脏，它好象是一个社会通过战争走向疯狂的无聊政治的玩具。我知道，只要象越南这样继续把人、技术和资金拖入无底洞中，美国就从来不会把资金和精力投入到它从贫穷中的恢复重建。因此，我就愈加认为这场战争是穷人的敌人，并且谴责它。

Perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem. And so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. And so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago. I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.

或许当战争远比摧毁穷人的希望更严重这一事实清晰地呈现在面前时，我才悲哀地认识到这一事实。相对与其它群体而言，战争把非常高比例的穷人的儿子、兄弟和丈夫送去打仗、战死。我们把那些被我们的社会弄残废的年轻黑人送到八千英里外的南亚，去保卫他们在佐治亚州西南部和东哈林区都没有发现的自由。于是我们在电视屏幕上反复地看到这一残酷的讽刺，黑人和白人为一个不会让他们在同一个学校里坐在一起的国家一同战死。于是我们看到他们残酷并一致地焚烧一个贫穷村庄的小屋，但我们却认识到他们不可能生活在芝加哥同一个街区。面对如此残酷地对待穷人，我无法保持沉默。

My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the North over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. As I have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. I have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. But they ask -- and rightly so -- what

[ATimetoBreakSilen(共2篇)]

about Vietnam? They ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. Their questions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government. For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent.

我的

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篇二：把你从惰性中拯救出来

(10+2)*5把你从惰性中拯救出来

Submitted by lightor 2006-08-08

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(10+2)x5时间管理方法：10代表：在十分钟内全心全意的只做一件事情，100%投入工作状态，时间到了再休息。2代表：十分钟一到，休息两分钟，喝喝茶，上上网，干什么都行。但是两分钟一到，立刻回到工作状态，开始列表中的下一件事。5代表：一个小时，刚好把这种方式循环五次。在实施的过程中，需要主要几点：不需要在十分钟内非得完成你的工作，只需要取得进展就可以；如果还没到10分钟就完成了，停止，休息2分钟，然后再进入下一个10分钟；不要跳过休息时间！请别这么做，时间一到必须休息。试试看，把你从惰性中拯救出来！

-psytopic.com

你已经有一个长长的ToDo列表了，可你总提不起精神去完成它们。43folder上介绍一种时间管理方法，可以将你从惰性中拯救出来。

谁需要这种方法

* 做事拖拖拉拉

* 容易分心

* 上网强迫症患者

* 攒了一大堆琐事要处理的人

* 对如何将规模较大的工作分批处理有困难的人

你需要什么

1.一个计时器

1. 必须设置简单

2. 超市里卖的那种厨房用计时器就很好

3. 也可以是一个计时器软件

2.一个简化过的行事列表(Todo List)

1. 能够在十分钟一个周期的条件下去做的事情（不需要是十分钟内能完成的）。

2. 按照GTD原则：下一件能马上开始动手去做的工作。

3. 一个小时的时间

4. 你那拖拖拉拉的臭毛病

如何实施

(10+2)*5是这么来的：

* 10-在十分钟内全心全意的只做一件事情，100%投入工作状态，时间到了再休息。

* 2-十分钟一到，休息两分钟，喝喝茶，上上网，干什么都行。但是两分钟一到，立刻回到工作状态，开始列表中的下一件事。

* *5-一个小时，刚好把这种方式循环五次。

重要的原则

* 不需要在十分钟内非得完成你的工作，只需要取得进展就可以。

* 如果还没到10分钟就完成了，停止，休息2分钟，然后再进入下一个10分钟。

* 不要跳过休息时间！不允许你这么做，时间一到必须休息。

会产生什么结果

度过充实高效的一小时工作时间。

原文：《Procrastination hack: "(10+2)*5"》/VIA：生活帮-LifeBang

Following on the idea of the procrastination dash and Jeff's progressive dash, I've been experimenting with a squirelly new system to pound through my procrastinated to-do list. Brace yourself, because it is a bit more byzantine than is Merlin 2005's newly stripped-down habit. It's called (10+2)*5, and today it will save your ass.

Who it's for

(10+2)*5

* procrastinators

* the easily distracted

* compulsive web-surfers

* people with a long list of very short tasks (a/k/a "mosquitos")

* people having trouble chipping away at very large tasks

What you'll need

1. a timer

* must be easy to reset

* electronic kitchen timer is particularly good (pref. with multiple alarm memories), or * an app like Minuteur (get the newest version-several cool new features)

2. a reduced subset of your to-do list

* tasks that can be worked on (not necessarily completed) in blocks of 10 minutes or less * GTD people: next actions only, please

3. an hour of your time (less is potentially okay, but it's non-canonical)

4. your sorry, procrastinating ass

How it works

It's called "(10+2)*5"

and here's why:

* 10 - Work for ten minutes with single-minded focus on moving toward completion on a single task. Ten minutes, and that's all you're allowed to do is work, work, work. No cheating, because (DING!) you actually get a break when you're done...

* 2 - After ten minutes of sweaty, dedicated work you get a 2-minute break to do whatever you want-drink coffee, read 5ives, call your bookie, whatever. When the two minutes are up, it's back to work on the next task on your list. This is important.

* *5 - You're going to iterate this four more times for a total of one hour's working/breaking Important squirrely rules

* You do not need to finish your task or your project in ten minutes;

you just need to move it forward

* If you finish a satisfying amount of work in fewer than ten minutes, STOP, and go right to your 2-minute break, than start another 10-minute dash

* Do NOT skip breaks! You are not allowed. Breaks cannot be missed. Period. Go surf the web. Now. Seriously. GO!

What will happen

You'll blaze through an hour's worth of work/not work and will find yourself looking forward to both the breaking and working parts of the cycle. (Dang, how's that for a change?)

The MacGuffin

Okay, you caught me. That's the hack: you can and eventually will skip breaks.

In his (extremely wonderful) The Now Habit, Neil Fiore suggests a similar habit of "unscheduling,"

where you only make obligations to the things that you enjoy and that are not the source of procrastination. John Perry suggests "Structured Procrastination,"

where you only give high priority to "unimportant"

tasks. Of course, this is taken to a hilarious extreme with Joshua Newman's plan for scheduling just a few minutes of work per hour, and then focusing on the "more important"

tasks like DVD re-arranging.

In all these cases-each of which will surely seem ludicrous to the "Why don't you just go do your damned work?"

crowd-the trick is to snap your mind out of the inert state that's allowing

your brain knows needs to be done.

Your hacks for your problems

"(10+2)*5"

can be adapted in any number of ways (change any of the three numerals to your liking), but remember: these goofy hacks only work because you're a pathetic bastard like me whose mind can be tricked into work as easily as it can be lulled into torpor. Set your rules, follow your rules, and keep moving forward. Snap that procrastination by slipping your work through the back door.

Now go take a break. You've earned, you hard-working hacker, you.

补充：

(10+2)*5可根据您的实际情况修改为任意的数字（三个数字均可修改），例如：(15+5)*3 ，也可以一边尝试一边修改到最适合自己为止；建立自己的工作规则，遵循规则，不断改善吧。现在不妨先休息一会。</SPAN<

Psytopic文章采用创作共用协议，转载请注明源出处和本页网址。

Topic: 时间管理, 生活, 职场

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